Donroe Doctrine Deals?

The Fedsurrection Exposed

How to Paint Like Lindsay Clancy

Experiencing Technical Difficulties - I Can No Longer Comment in the Comments

Technical Issues Magically Resolved themselves this morning.  WTF, over!

from Google AI:

Google finally deployed a back-end fix to resolve a widespread bug that was blocking the platform's commenting system. [1]

If you or your readers noticed comments getting stuck indefinitely on the "publishing..." status over the last 24 to 48 hours, you were caught in a verified, global platform glitch. [1, 2, 3]

What actually happened?

The "Publishing" Loop Bug: Starting around September 3–4, a massive influx of users reported that whenever they attempted to submit a comment on any Blogspot site, the form would get stuck on "publishing" and never actually post. [1]
The Chrome Disconnect: The issue was heavily tied to script execution errors on specific browsers (primarily Google Chrome). While alternative browsers like Microsoft Edge or Apple's Safari occasionally bypassed the bug, Chrome users were entirely locked out of interacting with comment sections. [1, 2]
The Behind-the-Scenes Fix: Because the problem was escalated directly to Google's engineering team by forum experts, a patch was pushed to their servers overnight. Once that patch fully propagated across Google's massive global network, the comment system "magically" went back to normal. [1, 2]

Should you do anything?

Since the fix was server-side, you don't need to change any settings on your dashboard. However, if you or any of your regular readers still experience a lag, doing a quick clear of your browser cache and cookies will force Chrome to load the newly patched version of the page. [1, 2, 3]

Are you missing any comments that were submitted while it was broken, or is your dashboard completely back to normal?

On Neo-Racism...

...born from an 'Excess' of Freedom

...Stop Oppressing Me, Man! Respect the Pronouns!

When will Mamdani Enact the Jizya in NYC?

from Google AI:

Jizya is a historical per capita yearly tax levied by Islamic states on non-Muslim subjects, known as dhimmis. [1, 2]

Historical Purpose and Conditions

Protection and Rights: In return for paying the tax, non-Muslims (primarily Christians, Jews, and later Zoroastrians and others) received state protection, exemption from military service, and the right to practice their religion with communal autonomy. [1, 2]
Who Paid: Classical Islamic law generally required free, adult, sane, and financially able-bodied non-Muslim men to pay the jizya. [1, 2]
Exemptions: Women, children, the elderly, the poor, slaves, monks, and the mentally or physically ill were typically exempt. [1, 2]
Shifting Interpretations: While initially framed as a financial contribution for governance and safety, classical and medieval jurists increasingly interpreted or applied the tax in ways that marked a subordinate social and legal status for non-Muslims

Mamdani saying the "quiet part" out loud on the Jizya: 

"Shift the tax burden from overtaxed homeowners in the outer boroughs to more expensive homes in richer and whiter neighborhoods."
(From his official housing policy campaign platform document.) [1]

"The use of that language is just an assessment of the neighborhood... I’m just naming things as they are."
(Defending the platform's specific terminology during a Fox News Interview.) [1]

"That is just a description of what we see right now. It's not driven by race."
(Responding on NBC's Meet the Press to criticism that the tax proposal was racially motivated. 

If it wasn't racially motivated, then why say "white" neighborhoods at all? Why was it important to mention the racial demographics?  Sounds like what was intended was something akin to the "indirect" racial taxation methods being employed in South Africa.  In fact, it appears as if all "progressive" taxation  has been a de facto indirect racial tax all along.

 Is NYC the beginning of a New South Africa?

Can Bessent Strangle Capitalism's Faux-Philanthropic Struldbruggs?

More

Big Pharma's Chemical Imbalance Theory of Mental Illness Debunked

"We've known it was wrong since the mid '80s, but we FORGOT to tell anyone in the Public about it... SORRY!"

I've Been Diagnosed as Trans-Autistic by a Guest Trauma Professional on "The View"...

Index to Video above:

00:10 Alone at 30 With My Cats 

02:04 The Unfalsifiable Trap of 'Masking' 

03:35 An Identity, Not a Diagnosis 

04:41 There Is No Test for Autism 

07:54 Why Boys Were Diagnosed 4 to 1 

11:40 The Real Harm of Overdiagnosis

...so Validate Both Me and My Trauma!

Give ME Your Social Media Attention!

No more Social Camouflaging for Me! I'm "OUT" as Trans-Autistic!

from Google AI:

Social camouflaging is a set of conscious or unconscious strategies people use to hide or compensate for neurodivergent traits in order to fit in with social norms. [1]

Key Behaviors

Masking: Hiding traits by forcing eye contact or suppressing repetitive movements (stimming).
Compensation: Actively copying facial expressions, body language, or speech patterns.
Assimilation: Using pre-planned social scripts to navigate casual conversations. [1, 2, 3]

Impacts

Exhaustion: Maintaining this facade requires immense mental and physical effort.
Mental Health: Long-term use is closely linked to severe anxiety, depression, and burnout.

When Social Media Selected Profile Identities Masquerade as Genuine Medical Conditions and Create a Permission Structure for the Self to not Change or Evolve.

DSM-5 Broadened Autism Definitions have Medicalized Social Awkwardness - "It's not me, it's the disease"

The Western Identity Crisis

Are You Living Life Directly and Intensively or Vicariously?

from Google AI:

Gilles Deleuze’s philosophy, intensity is a non-numerical, qualitative difference (such as a degree of heat, pressure, or emotion) that underlies and generates all actual forms and extensions. 

Key Dimensions of Deleuze's Concept of Intensity

• Difference vs. Extension: Unlike quantities that can be divided and measured in space (extension), intensity cannot be divided without changing its fundamental nature. It is a continuous state of flux and becoming. 
• The Plane of Immanence ("A Life"): In his late text "Immanence: a life...", Deleuze describes a pre-personal, pure stream of consciousness or vitality that does not belong to a specific ego or self. This plane of immanence is an open field where shifting intensities and anonymous singularities unfold. 
• Connection to Spinoza and Bergson: Drawing from Baruch Spinoza, Deleuze views modal essences and affects as degrees of power (puissance) and continuous variations in intensity. From Henri Bergson, he adopts the idea that the intensive is tied to duration (durée) and internal movement rather than static spatial objects. 

• The Intensive Order: In works like Difference and Repetition and Anti-Oedipus (co-written with Félix Guattari), living in the "intensive order" means experiencing the raw, unmediated flow of becoming, free from the rigid structures of common sense or fixed representation. 

Trans -Racial Trans -Sexual Apologias

 

I have GENUINE gender dysphoria, NOT a need to seem cool!

LGB and TQ+ Are Getting a Divorce!

Sexuality "who you are sexually attracted to" and Gender Identity/ Expression "what sex (or other?+) you identify with" are two completely different things.

^^Gender or Identity Expression/ Performance^^

We Don't have to Play Along

(Especially vis Children/ Minors!)

(D) Victims Take GOLD in the Libtard Olympics!

Mocking (vice affirming) Race and Sex Essentialist Identities!

I Have Social Trauma... so You Must AFFIRM Me... or You are a BAD Person!

Oedipal Democrats....

 

Kurdistan: The Splintering of Iran

from Google AI:

An estimated 8 to 10 million Kurds live in Iran, making up approximately 10% to 12% of the country’s total population. They constitute the third-largest ethnic group in Iran after Persians and Azeris.

Geographic Distribution

The demographic weight of the Iranian Kurdish population is distributed across two primary zones:

• The Northwest (Eastern Kurdistan): This is the traditional home of Iranian Kurds along the borders of Iraq and Turkey. Their demographic concentration by province breaks down as follows:

Kermanshah: Contains roughly 30% of Iran's Kurdish population, serving as its largest demographic center.

Kurdistan Province (Sanandaj): Holds about 28% of the population.

West Azerbaijan: Accountable for roughly 25% of the population, specifically in its southern and western counties.

Ilam: Functions as the southern anchor of the region with about 10%.

• The Northeast (Khorasan Kurds): An isolated, sizeable community of close to 1 million Kurds lives in the northeast along the Turkmenistan border. They are descendants of fighters relocated there during the Safavid era to guard Iran's borders against nomadic invaders.
• Urban Centers: There is also a major urban diaspora, with approximately half a million Kurds residing in the capital city of Tehran.

Religious Diversity

Unlike the Kurdish populations in Turkey or Iraq which are overwhelmingly Sunni, Iranian Kurds are highly religiously diverse and split between major sects:

• Sunni Islam (Shafi'i school): Predominant among the northern and central Kurds, particularly in the Kurdistan Province and West Azerbaijan.
• Shia Islam: Concentrated heavily toward the south in the Kermanshah and Ilam provinces.
• Yarsanism (Ahl-e Haqq): A distinct syncretic religion practiced by a significant minority of Kurds, mostly clustered within Kermanshah.

Linguistic Dialects

The Iranian Kurdish community is multilingual; nearly all are bilingual in Persian and their regional Kurdish dialect. The language branches into three main geographic dialects:

• Kurmanji (Northern Kurdish): Spoken primarily by the isolated Khorasan Kurds in the northeast and in the northernmost parts of West Azerbaijan.
• Sorani (Central Kurdish): Spoken widely across the Kurdistan Province and parts of West Azerbaijan, anchoring the cultural literary tradition.
• Southern Kurdish (including Kelhuri and Laki): Spoken primarily in the populous southern provinces of Kermanshah and Ilam

Affirmative ACTION Time

Don't Be a Hater!  Affirm!

She's Been Socially Traumatized Enuff bu Narrow Minded Bigots!

Time for De-Colonizing Western Civ of Marxist Critical Theory?

Wanted: Affirmative Action Poster Boys for Assuaging Neoliberal Guilt

John H. McWhorter, "The Arday Tragedy: from Tokenism to Wokenism"

His blackness was the crucial factor in his elevation to the pinnacle of academia by whites eager to feel good about themselves and secure that they couldn’t be called racist

For a long time, it was the view from the Left as well as the Right that tokenism was wrong. It was considered disrespectful of black people, i.e., racist, to place us in a position because of the color of our skin when we weren’t qualified for it, or when otherwise we wouldn’t have been wanted there, just for the sake of appearances.

But one consequence of what Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez referred to recently as Woke 1 was an unspoken revision of this view: tokenism was now okay. Jason Arday was one of the results of this new perspective.

Back in the day, the classic example of tokenism—call it Tokenism 1.0—was giving a black person a visible role but not much in particular to do. Elevating a black person to a role of actual influence, when optics are clearly the main justification, is just as harmful, if not more so. The often-used term of art for this approach is “DEI,” though more straightforwardly, it is Tokenism 2.0.

Arday, who was found dead last week amid a maelstrom of revelations about his scholarship and various questionable claims of achievement, hardships, and disabilities, was elevated as a token in the same spirit as the black characters shown on Norman Lear sitcoms that addressed tokenism 50 years ago—Archie Bunker bringing a black man into his lodge to avoid losing its tax break, George Jefferson being invited to join an all-white tennis club just for optics, etc. I don’t sense that Arday was a cynical operator as many have portrayed him. He seems to have been an extreme example of a type: someone who gets a sense of self-worth through exaggerating his hardships and achievements. Most such people live anonymous lives, alternately annoying and entertaining people with their endless tall tales, obviously founded in insecurity.

But Arday ended up retailing his fictions in modern academia, a world with a burning desire to celebrate blackness and demonstrate its antiracism. No one is on record having chuckled in the corner that hiring Arday at Cambridge University will “give the place a little color,” in the fashion of the old sitcoms. Nonetheless, it’s impossible to avoid the reality that Arday’s color was the crucial factor in his elevation. His scholarly work was insubstantial, a judgment that would be fair even if it hadn’t turned out to be plagiarized to such a degree. Yet he was granted a Ph.D. (the title of his dissertation has a glaring typo) and several honorary degrees, asked to give various keynote addresses, regularly invited on radio and television, and made the equivalent of a full professor at Cambridge University at 37. It’s inconceivable that a white person would be elevated to the pinnacle of the profession—especially a Cambridge professorship—with such a thin record.

Then there was his wildly improbable life story: suffering both a brain tumor and a stroke, yet passing his dissertation defense immediately after recovering from them, despite having lost all memory of what he wrote; suffering from epilepsy, autism, and Asperger’s; not speaking until 11 and not reading until 18; playing championship-level ping-pong despite his many handicaps; being threatened at his Cambridge office by masked, armed men, mysteriously unrecorded by CCTV cameras; discovering that a pig’s head had been sent to his parents; running marathons at world champion-level, including doing so with a leg swollen to twice its size; and so on. Frankly, all of this is so incredible, in the literal sense, that a white scholar making these claims would almost certainly have been instantly dismissed as a fabulist. But Arday was black, and the whites around him considered it more important to be seen elevating him—especially as he was someone claiming past hardships—than viewing his claims as the fables they were.

This was tokenism.

Arday was not a one-off but part of a trend after Woke 1 in 2020. Consider, for one example, former White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre, whose performance in that role for the Biden administration made demonstrably clear that her abilities were not her main qualification. Carolyn Rouse’s bizarrely incoherent interview with the Chronicle of Higher Education made it hard to believe that her being a black woman was not central to her appointment as president of the American Anthropological Association. There have been other prominent cases. I don’t relish calling these things out and will refrain from naming more names, but when someone black is installed in a position where it’s all but impossible not to see that race played a dominant role in their selection, this is what used to be called tokenism. Maybe we can call it “wokenism.”

It makes whites feel good about themselves and secure that they can’t be called racists. But it also makes the broader society question the capabilities of any black person in a position of authority or prestige. It encourages a sense that being just so-so is the best that blacks can do.

A common rejoinder to this complaint is that when a white person is mediocre, we don’t decide that all whites are mediocre. But the issue is whether blacks are placed in prominent positions beyond their qualifications more often than whites, and with what degree of mismatch. If a white person becomes a Cambridge professor at 37, they have credentials of the wunderkind variety. One example of this was Stephen Hawking. Arday’s credentials, by contrast, involved being black and having a certain stage presence. It’s not surprising that he went along with all of it and even processed questions about the legitimacy of his work as racism, worth reporting to the police. He had been lavishly praised and had gone largely unquestioned and unchallenged for years.

But presenting Arday as an exemplar of academic excellence was immoral—both insulting to blacks and cruel to him. Without it, he would have experienced no gruesome public downfall, and he would likely still be alive.

Today’s wokenism is no more justified than yesterday’s tokenism. We must face reality. If there are no truly excellent black candidates for a post, giving it to one more white person may feel frustrating—but it is always better than the dehumanizing patronization of naming a token black person.

Fifty years ago, this was conventional wisdom. It’s one of those cases where we should heed our elders.

Restoring Arabistan by Liberating the Ahwazi in Khuzestan + adding Bushehr Province to consolidate an oil-rich Emirate

 

Ahwazi Arabs

• Population: between 5 and 7 million
• Area: Al-Ahwaz (Khuzestan ) province, 89,000 km2 in the south-west of Iran (although some Ahwazis reside outside of Al-Ahwaz)
• Capital City: City of Ahvaz
• Language: Arabic
• Religion: Islam

The people of Ahwaz (or Ahvaz) belong to the Arab ethnic group. Known as Ahwazi Arabs or Khuzestani Arabs, they are an Arabic-speaking minority community living primarily in the oil-rich Khuzestan province of southwestern Iran—a region they historically call Arabistan. 

Identity and Culture

• Language: They speak a distinct dialect of Khuzestani Arabic, alongside Persian, which is the official language of Iran.
• Religion: The majority of Ahwazi Arabs are Shia Muslims, though a Sunni minority also exists within the broader community.
• History: The area was a largely autonomous emirate ruled by Arab sheikhs until it was fully integrated into the central Iranian state by Reza Shah in 1925. 

Social and Regional Context

• Location: Concentrated in southwestern Khuzestan, sharing cultural and geographic ties near the border of Iraq and the Persian Gulf.
• Grievances: The community has long voiced concerns regarding political marginalization, economic underdevelopment despite local oil wealth, and restrictions on using Arabic as a primary language. 

It's not enough to seize Hormuz and enable the Balochi's

The Iranians have significant missile and drone firing locations in Bushehr that must be neutralized.

This will also landlock and deprive Iran of all Future Oil Revenues, and Ensure that it fades into global economic irrelevance.

Free Sistan and Balochistan (adding Hormozgan Province)!

In the Sistan and Baluchestan Province of Iran, Sunni Muslims make up a clear regional majority, estimated at roughly 60% to 70% of the total population, driven primarily by the dominant ethnic Baluch community.

Demographics and Religion

Ethnic Breakdown: The southern and central parts of the province (Baluchestan) are heavily populated by ethnic Baluch people who predominantly practice Sunni Islam.

The Sistan Region: The northern part of the province (Sistan) is largely populated by Sistani Persians who mainly adhere to Shia Islam.

National Context: While Shia Islam is the official state religion of Iran (comprising 90% to 95% of the national population), Sistan and Baluchestan remains one of the few provinces where Sunnis form the local majority.

The Balochi population in Iran is estimated at roughly 2 to 3 million people (about 2% of Iran's total population). They live mostly in the southeastern corner of the country, primarily in the large province of Sistan and Baluchestan, extending up into parts of neighboring Kerman and Khorasan provinces. [1, 2, 3]

Geographic Distribution

Primary Region: Sistan and Baluchestan province, running along the borders of Pakistan and Afghanistan.
Main Cities: Zahedan (the provincial capital), Chabahar, Iranshahr, and Saravan.
Minority Enclaves: Smaller historical Balochi diaspora pockets are also found further north in parts of Khorasan and Golestan. [1, 2]

Key Demographic Facts

Language: Balochi (Western dialects).
Religion: Mostly Sunni Muslim (contrasting with the official Shia majority of Iran).
Mapping Resources: For visual maps depicting ethnic distributions in Iran, geographic references like the Library of Congress Iran Ethnic map or demographic overviews via Minority Rights Group illustrate their heavy concentration in the southeast. [1, 2, 3]

WASHINGTON, DC / ACCESS Newswire / June 12, 2025 / The Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI) is announcing the launch of the Balochistan Studies Project. Balochistan has a strategic geographical position and is an important economic gateway, with trillions of dollars' worth of underground natural resources such as oil, gas, uranium, copper, and coal, rare earth elements, and the two deep seaports of Gawadar and Chabahar. Balochistan is the perfect outpost to counter and keep under control Iran, its nuclear ambitions, and its dangerous relations with Pakistan, which may provide Tehran with tactical nukes.

Balochistan ties to Oman

Balochistan and Oman share deep historical, demographic, and geopolitical ties spanning millennia across the Arabian Sea and the Makran coast. These connections range from ancient maritime trade and shared tribal lineages to Omani sovereignty over the port city of Gwadar until 1958. 

Demographic and Cultural Links

Omani Baloch: An estimated 20% to 30% of the population in the Sultanate of Oman is of Baloch descent. Centuries of migration from the Makran coast have integrated these communities into mainstream Omani society, where they hold prominent roles in civil life, culture, and the military. 

Military Service: For generations spanning the 18th to 20th centuries, Baloch fighters served as key mercenary and regular security forces for Omani rulers, forming the backbone of early modern Omani military structures. 

Shared Heritage: Traditional music, dance (such as Chaapi), and linguistic threads remain shared across the coastal regions of Balochistan and Oman due to continuous historical movement across the Gulf of Oman. 

The Gwadar Connection

Omani Exclave: The strategic coastal town of Gwadar in present-day Pakistani Balochistan was ruled as an overseas possession of Oman for over two centuries, beginning in the late 1700s. 

The 1958 Transfer: The Gwadar Purchase transferred sovereignty of the enclave from Muscat and Oman to Pakistan on September 8, 1958, formally ending direct Omani territorial administration in the region