Saturday, August 22, 2026

Affirmative ACTION Time

Don't Be a Hater!  Affirm!
She's Been Socially Traumatized Enuff bu Narrow Minded Bigots!

Wednesday, August 19, 2026

Wanted: Affirmative Action Poster Boys for Assuaging Neoliberal Guilt

His blackness was the crucial factor in his elevation to the pinnacle of academia by whites eager to feel good about themselves and secure that they couldn’t be called racist

For a long time, it was the view from the Left as well as the Right that tokenism was wrong. It was considered disrespectful of black people, i.e., racist, to place us in a position because of the color of our skin when we weren’t qualified for it, or when otherwise we wouldn’t have been wanted there, just for the sake of appearances.

But one consequence of what Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez referred to recently as Woke 1 was an unspoken revision of this view: tokenism was now okay. Jason Arday was one of the results of this new perspective.

Back in the day, the classic example of tokenism—call it Tokenism 1.0—was giving a black person a visible role but not much in particular to do. Elevating a black person to a role of actual influence, when optics are clearly the main justification, is just as harmful, if not more so. The often-used term of art for this approach is “DEI,” though more straightforwardly, it is Tokenism 2.0.

Arday, who was found dead last week amid a maelstrom of revelations about his scholarship and various questionable claims of achievement, hardships, and disabilities, was elevated as a token in the same spirit as the black characters shown on Norman Lear sitcoms that addressed tokenism 50 years ago—Archie Bunker bringing a black man into his lodge to avoid losing its tax break, George Jefferson being invited to join an all-white tennis club just for optics, etc. I don’t sense that Arday was a cynical operator as many have portrayed him. He seems to have been an extreme example of a type: someone who gets a sense of self-worth through exaggerating his hardships and achievements. Most such people live anonymous lives, alternately annoying and entertaining people with their endless tall tales, obviously founded in insecurity.

But Arday ended up retailing his fictions in modern academia, a world with a burning desire to celebrate blackness and demonstrate its antiracism. No one is on record having chuckled in the corner that hiring Arday at Cambridge University will “give the place a little color,” in the fashion of the old sitcoms. Nonetheless, it’s impossible to avoid the reality that Arday’s color was the crucial factor in his elevation. His scholarly work was insubstantial, a judgment that would be fair even if it hadn’t turned out to be plagiarized to such a degree. Yet he was granted a Ph.D. (the title of his dissertation has a glaring typo) and several honorary degrees, asked to give various keynote addresses, regularly invited on radio and television, and made the equivalent of a full professor at Cambridge University at 37. It’s inconceivable that a white person would be elevated to the pinnacle of the profession—especially a Cambridge professorship—with such a thin record.

Then there was his wildly improbable life story: suffering both a brain tumor and a stroke, yet passing his dissertation defense immediately after recovering from them, despite having lost all memory of what he wrote; suffering from epilepsy, autism, and Asperger’s; not speaking until 11 and not reading until 18; playing championship-level ping-pong despite his many handicaps; being threatened at his Cambridge office by masked, armed men, mysteriously unrecorded by CCTV cameras; discovering that a pig’s head had been sent to his parents; running marathons at world champion-level, including doing so with a leg swollen to twice its size; and so on. Frankly, all of this is so incredible, in the literal sense, that a white scholar making these claims would almost certainly have been instantly dismissed as a fabulist. But Arday was black, and the whites around him considered it more important to be seen elevating him—especially as he was someone claiming past hardships—than viewing his claims as the fables they were.

This was tokenism.
Arday was not a one-off but part of a trend after Woke 1 in 2020. Consider, for one example, former White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre, whose performance in that role for the Biden administration made demonstrably clear that her abilities were not her main qualification. Carolyn Rouse’s bizarrely incoherent interview with the Chronicle of Higher Education made it hard to believe that her being a black woman was not central to her appointment as president of the American Anthropological Association. There have been other prominent cases. I don’t relish calling these things out and will refrain from naming more names, but when someone black is installed in a position where it’s all but impossible not to see that race played a dominant role in their selection, this is what used to be called tokenism. Maybe we can call it “wokenism.”

It makes whites feel good about themselves and secure that they can’t be called racists. But it also makes the broader society question the capabilities of any black person in a position of authority or prestige. It encourages a sense that being just so-so is the best that blacks can do.

A common rejoinder to this complaint is that when a white person is mediocre, we don’t decide that all whites are mediocre. But the issue is whether blacks are placed in prominent positions beyond their qualifications more often than whites, and with what degree of mismatch. If a white person becomes a Cambridge professor at 37, they have credentials of the wunderkind variety. One example of this was Stephen Hawking. Arday’s credentials, by contrast, involved being black and having a certain stage presence. It’s not surprising that he went along with all of it and even processed questions about the legitimacy of his work as racism, worth reporting to the police. He had been lavishly praised and had gone largely unquestioned and unchallenged for years.

But presenting Arday as an exemplar of academic excellence was immoral—both insulting to blacks and cruel to him. Without it, he would have experienced no gruesome public downfall, and he would likely still be alive.

Today’s wokenism is no more justified than yesterday’s tokenism. We must face reality. If there are no truly excellent black candidates for a post, giving it to one more white person may feel frustrating—but it is always better than the dehumanizing patronization of naming a token black person.

Fifty years ago, this was conventional wisdom. It’s one of those cases where we should heed our elders.

Restoring Arabistan by Liberating the Ahwazi in Khuzestan + adding Bushehr Province to consolidate an oil-rich Emirate

 

Ahwazi Arabs

  • Population: between 5 and 7 million
  • Area: Al-Ahwaz (Khuzestan ) province, 89,000 km2 in the south-west of Iran (although some Ahwazis reside outside of Al-Ahwaz)
  • Capital City: City of Ahvaz
  • Language: Arabic
  • Religion: Islam

The people of Ahwaz (or Ahvaz) belong to the Arab ethnic group. Known as Ahwazi Arabs or Khuzestani Arabs, they are an Arabic-speaking minority community living primarily in the oil-rich Khuzestan province of southwestern Iran—a region they historically call Arabistan. 

Identity and Culture
  • Language: They speak a distinct dialect of Khuzestani Arabic, alongside Persian, which is the official language of Iran.
  • Religion: The majority of Ahwazi Arabs are Shia Muslims, though a Sunni minority also exists within the broader community.
  • History: The area was a largely autonomous emirate ruled by Arab sheikhs until it was fully integrated into the central Iranian state by Reza Shah in 1925. 
Social and Regional Context
  • Location: Concentrated in southwestern Khuzestan, sharing cultural and geographic ties near the border of Iraq and the Persian Gulf.
  • Grievances: The community has long voiced concerns regarding political marginalization, economic underdevelopment despite local oil wealth, and restrictions on using Arabic as a primary language. 

The Iranians have significant missile and drone firing locations in Bushehr that must be neutralized.

This will also landlock and deprive Iran of all Future Oil Revenues, and Ensure that it fades into global economic irrelevance.

Tuesday, August 18, 2026

Free Sistan and Balochistan (adding Hormozgan Province)!


In the Sistan and Baluchestan Province of Iran, Sunni Muslims make up a clear regional majority, estimated at roughly 60% to 70% of the total population, driven primarily by the dominant ethnic Baluch community.

Demographics and Religion

Ethnic Breakdown: The southern and central parts of the province (Baluchestan) are heavily populated by ethnic Baluch people who predominantly practice Sunni Islam.

The Sistan Region: The northern part of the province (Sistan) is largely populated by Sistani Persians who mainly adhere to Shia Islam.

National Context: While Shia Islam is the official state religion of Iran (comprising 90% to 95% of the national population), Sistan and Baluchestan remains one of the few provinces where Sunnis form the local majority.
The Balochi population in Iran is estimated at roughly 2 to 3 million people (about 2% of Iran's total population). They live mostly in the southeastern corner of the country, primarily in the large province of Sistan and Baluchestan, extending up into parts of neighboring Kerman and Khorasan provinces. [1, 2, 3]
Geographic Distribution
  • Primary Region: Sistan and Baluchestan province, running along the borders of Pakistan and Afghanistan.
  • Main Cities: Zahedan (the provincial capital), Chabahar, Iranshahr, and Saravan.
  • Minority Enclaves: Smaller historical Balochi diaspora pockets are also found further north in parts of Khorasan and Golestan. [1, 2]
Key Demographic Facts
  • Language: Balochi (Western dialects).
  • Religion: Mostly Sunni Muslim (contrasting with the official Shia majority of Iran).
  • Mapping Resources: For visual maps depicting ethnic distributions in Iran, geographic references like the Library of Congress Iran Ethnic map or demographic overviews via Minority Rights Group illustrate their heavy concentration in the southeast. [1, 2, 3]
WASHINGTON, DC / ACCESS Newswire / June 12, 2025 / The Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI) is announcing the launch of the Balochistan Studies Project. Balochistan has a strategic geographical position and is an important economic gateway, with trillions of dollars' worth of underground natural resources such as oil, gas, uranium, copper, and coal, rare earth elements, and the two deep seaports of Gawadar and Chabahar. Balochistan is the perfect outpost to counter and keep under control Iran, its nuclear ambitions, and its dangerous relations with Pakistan, which may provide Tehran with tactical nukes.
Balochistan ties to Oman
Balochistan and Oman share deep historical, demographic, and geopolitical ties spanning millennia across the Arabian Sea and the Makran coast. These connections range from ancient maritime trade and shared tribal lineages to Omani sovereignty over the port city of Gwadar until 1958. 

Demographic and Cultural Links

Omani Baloch: An estimated 20% to 30% of the population in the Sultanate of Oman is of Baloch descent. Centuries of migration from the Makran coast have integrated these communities into mainstream Omani society, where they hold prominent roles in civil life, culture, and the military. 

Military Service: For generations spanning the 18th to 20th centuries, Baloch fighters served as key mercenary and regular security forces for Omani rulers, forming the backbone of early modern Omani military structures. 

Shared Heritage: Traditional music, dance (such as Chaapi), and linguistic threads remain shared across the coastal regions of Balochistan and Oman due to continuous historical movement across the Gulf of Oman. 

The Gwadar Connection

Omani Exclave: The strategic coastal town of Gwadar in present-day Pakistani Balochistan was ruled as an overseas possession of Oman for over two centuries, beginning in the late 1700s. 

The 1958 Transfer: The Gwadar Purchase transferred sovereignty of the enclave from Muscat and Oman to Pakistan on September 8, 1958, formally ending direct Omani territorial administration in the region

Sunday, August 16, 2026

The Wide and Easy Downhill Road to Dupedom: Fear

Jewish Rustlers Stampeding Gentile Cattle?

The Wise Bull (not Trump)

A Young Bull and an Old Bull were standing on a hilltop overlooking a herd of cattle.  The Young Bull turned to the Old Bull and said, "Let's run down the hill and get ourselves a heifer.  The Old Bull replies, "Let's walk down and get them all..."

Friday, August 14, 2026

Should Leftism be Listed in the DSM?

 

Vandalizing our World War II Memorial is a despicable attack on a sacred monument honoring the Americans who fought and died for our freedom. Those Americans include my father and grandfather.

This morning, we are filing two felony charges, Depredation Against Property of the… pic.twitter.com/7EQxGWtdue

— US Attorney Pirro (@USAttyPirro) August 14, 2026

Thursday, August 13, 2026

It's the Anti-Semitism, Stupid?

Trauma Symptoms Associated with Race Essentialist Beliefs are Dogging American Politics - "I'm being Persecuted Solely because of my Race, not Israel's Jewish Essentialist Policies!"

Wednesday, August 12, 2026

Putting the CIA in aCademIA

Fire Matt Walsh!

He Doesn't Want to Eat Del Taco Burritos!

Black Voter Suppression?

Daniel Greenfield, "The Abdul El-Sayed and Hong Polls Were Black Voter Suppression by the Media"
If Republicans were doing this, there'd be a civil rights investigation.

Ahead of the Michigan Senate primary, the media pushed polls claiming that Abdul Mohammed El-Sayed was far ahead of Haley Stevens when it actually out to be a fairly close and narrow race.

Now we had a repeat of that in the Wisconsin gubernatorial campaign where polls were projecting a Hong win by between 18 to 25 when Crowley narrowly defeated her in the actual race.

The pollsters will claim that they ‘dropped the ball’, but these are very similar ‘errors’ involving vast leads being assigned to socialist candidates right ahead of the election. The net effect of these polls was voter suppression against Crowley and Stevens voters who were seen as less motivated and driven than the socialist candidates. It worked in the Michigan race, but didn’t in the Wisconsin race.

It’s easy enough to manufacture such a swing by undersampling black and working class voters, the Stevens and Crowley base, while oversampling white leftists, suburban woke moms, college students and so forth

What that amounts to, ironically enough, is the very thing that Dems and the media accuse Republicans of, black voter suppression.

This is the second Dem primary race in which the pollsters engaged in black voter suppression by oversampling white leftists in an attempt to depress black voter turnout for the non-socialist candidates.

If Republicans were doing this, there’d be a civil rights investigation.

But it’s leftists doing this and so it’s treated as some sort of innocent error.

---

Sundance, "Surprise Defeat for DSA Communist Francesca Hong in Wisconsin"

The DSA Communists are claiming election rigging in Wisconsin as Francesca Hong has been defeated by DNC party approved candidate David Crowley.

The current status of the race is Crowley with 39.78% (313,321) and Hong with 39.37% (310,110). Crowley leading by more than three thousand votes
The reason for the apoplexy is that all polling showed Hong with an easy 20-to-25-point lead heading into election day.

State Navigate polling had Francesca Hong +22, Public Policy Polling had predicted Hong +18, Marquette University polling (the gold standard) had Hong +25, then State Navigate polling had Hong +29, and finally Public Policy Polling had another easy win at Hong +20.

Therefore, the only way the DSA Communists can reconcile the outcome of Hong losing is to believe that some other malevolent force was involved in the actual counting of the ballots.

Malevolent force below the fold:

Wednesday, August 5, 2026

Maryland State Democrats Ignore Own Rules and Vote to Disenfranchise 49% of Maryland Voters

Paving the Way for DSA's Race-Based Communism

A Racial Crossroads, or Wishful Thinking?

Helen Andrews, "The Racial Crossroads"

American race relations are at a crossroads. In the years since our current racial bargain was struck in the 1960s, our country has coped with its contradictions and imperfections by the very American method of muddling through. That has worked for a long time, but soon it won’t work anymore. We will have to choose between one path and another. There are two reasons for this, and they are unavoidable.

The first reason is demographic. Our racial bargain was made for a country that was biracial and almost 90 percent white. It will no longer work for a country where white people are a minority and the non-white population includes multiple races, including some that were hardly present in the United States when the racial bargain was struck. There were fewer Chinese Americans in 1960 than there are Egyptian Americans today and fewer Mexican-born Americans then than Venezuelan-born Americans now.

For Generation Z, the beneficiaries of our system of racial benefits are no longer a marginal 10 percent of the population. They are a demographic majority. Non-white Zoomers—and, to an extent, white women as well—benefit from both demographic predominance and an explicit or tacit boost in any head-to-head competition with white men, which, in combination, means that affirmative action is no longer a matter of white Americans sacrificing the occasional promotion. It means white men in particular are effectively shut out of many prestigious fields and institutions, especially in the lower rungs.

This is both unfair and unworkable. Unfair, because a white Zoomer does not feel toward the son of an Indian computer programmer or the daughter of a Mexican illegal immigrant the same moral obligation he feels toward the descendant of slaves. Unworkable, because the challenge of making every institution match our national demographics becomes more difficult as our diversity gets more diverse. Diversity used to mean making sure there was a black person in the room. Now it means finely calibrating multiple demographics, which requires putting race at the forefront of personnel decisions.

The second reason race relations are approaching a crisis is that our racial bargain was supposed to be temporary. When the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was passed, it was quickly agreed that some racial favoritism was justified to compensate for the black minority’s unequal starting point. The temporary nature of this favoritism was crucial to the deal. The imperative to treat citizens equally under the law was the moral claim on which the whole civil rights movement was based. Race-based remedies were only “transitional,” promised one chair of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, and would “fall into disuse once the job is done.”

At the time, it was sincerely expected that black and white outcomes would converge. A study by the Urban Institute in 1971 extrapolated black progress over the previous eight years and predicted exactly when the catch-up would occur for various metrics such as poverty rates, college completion, and infant mortality. The one that would take the longest, life expectancy at thirty-five years, was predicted to reach white levels in 2019.

In 2003, Supreme Court justice Sandra Day O’Connor famously wrote, “We expect that twenty-five years from now, the use of racial preferences will no longer be necessary to further the interest approved today,” in her decision in Grutter v. Bollinger upholding affirmative action at the University of Michigan. There were a handful of conservatives at the time who would have told her that this was optimistic, based on the available data, but these voices were marginalized as politically incorrect. The conventional wisdom was with Justice O’Connor.

Today, two years away from Justice O’Connor’s twenty-five-year deadline, the conventional wisdom has changed. Everyone can see that the long hoped-for convergence has not materialized. Affirmative action is still necessary to achieve colleges’ desired racial diversity. We have created a black middle class, but blacks from wealthy households on average still have lower SAT scores and lower credit scores than whites from poorer households. Large disparities in violent crime rates still persist, as do disparities in wealth, in part because houses in black neighborhoods still have persistently lower home values.

Both the left and the right have registered the stubbornness of these racial gaps. The recent popularity among liberals of radical authors such as Ibram X. Kendi, who proposed an amendment to the US Constitution prohibiting “racial inequity” and a new government agency to implement it, was a symptom of this disillusionment. As equality of opportunity recedes as a plausible goal for the civil rights regime, having failed to arrive after three generations, there is a growing market for pessimists like Kendi who want to shift the goal to equality of outcome.

So that is the situation we face: The old racial bargain is breaking down, due to a combination of changing demographics and a dawning realization that racial outcomes are not going to converge any time soon. One possible path forward is to throw out the old racial bargain and establish a new one based on equality under the law. The other possible path is to accept permanent racial favoritism at every level of society.

“The old racial bargain is breaking down.”